"...According to the plan of the
convention, all judges who may be appointed by the United States are
to hold their offices during good behavior; . . . The standard of
good behavior for the continuance in office of the judicial
magistracy, is certainly one of the most valuable of the modern
improvements in the practice of government. In a monarchy it is an
excellent barrier to the despotism of the prince; in a republic it is
a no less excellent barrier to the encroachments and oppressions of
the representative body. And it is the best expedient which can be
devised in any government, to secure a steady, upright, and impartial
administration of the laws...."
"...The complete independence of
the courts of justice is peculiarly essential in a limited
Constitution. By a limited Constitution, I understand one which
contains certain specified exceptions to the legislative authority;
such, for instance, as that it shall pass no bills of attainder, no
ex post facto laws, and the like. Limitations of this kind can be
preserved in practice no other way than through the medium of courts
of justice, whose duty it must be to declare all acts contrary to the
manifest tenor of the Constitution void. Without this,
all the reservations of particular rights or privileges would amount
to nothing. . . ."
"...There is no position which
depends on clearer principles, than that every act of a delegated
authority,contrary to the tenor of the commission
under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act, therefore,
contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to
affirm, that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the
servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people
are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of
powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what
they forbid...."
"...It is not otherwise to be
supposed, that the Constitution could intend to enable the
representatives of the people to substitute their will to that of
their constituents. It is far more rational to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an
intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order,
among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to
their authority. The interpretation of the laws is the proper and
peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must
be regarded by the judges, as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs
to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any
particular act proceeding from the legislative body. If there should
happen to be an irreconcilable variance between the two, that which
has the superior obligation and validity ought, of course, to be
preferred; or, in other words, the Constitution ought to be preferred
to the statute, the intention of the people to the intention of their
agents.
"Nor does this conclusion by any
means suppose a superiority of the judicial to the legislative power.
It only supposes that the power of the people is superior to both;
and that where the will of the legislature, declared in its statutes,
stands in opposition to that of the people, declared in the
Constitution, the judges ought to be governed by the latter rather
than the former. They ought to regulate their decisions by the
fundamental laws, rather than by those which are not fundamental...."
"...But it is not with a view to
infractions of the Constitution only, that the independence of the
judges may be an essential safeguard against the effects of
occasional ill humors in the society. These sometimes extend no
farther than to the injury of the private rights of particular
classes of citizens, by unjust and partial laws. Here also the
firmness of the judicial magistracy is of vast importance in
mitigating the severity and confining the operation of such laws. . .
."
"...That inflexible and uniform
adherence to the rights of the Constitution, and of individuals,
which we perceive to be indispensable in the
courts of justice, can certainly not be expected from judges who hold
their offices by a temporary commission. . . ."--Alexander
Hamilton, The Federalist No. 78, Saturday, June 14, 1788.
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