“...It is
obvious that the agitation with respect to slavery in the States; the
measures for advancing personal interests under the cover of
protective tariffs for profuse expenditures for internal
improvements; for the support by the public treasury of different
schemes to promote private wealth and interests, have a common origin
in mistaken views of constitutional law. These erroneous views are
sometimes held by those apparently occupying antagonistic positions,
yet, their projects being based upon similar constructions of the
national compact, their respective supporters are ultimately led into
harmonious action, however conflicting their purposes may at first
appear. If the general government has the right to incorporate banks,
or to carry on extensive systems of internal improvement, it will be
difficult to resist the argument that it has a right to interfere
with local interests in other respects.
It is of
vital importance that clear and correct views of the Constitution
and of the rights of the States, should exist in the minds of our
people. It should be understood that interference with the local
affairs of the different States, is not to be avoided from motives of
expediency, but from the higher and stronger considerations of
constitutional limitations, restrictions
and obligations. The dignity and sovereignty of the several
states will best be secured where their rights are clearly
appreciated and fully recognised—where they rely upon the national
compact, and not upon forbearance from improper assaults, nor upon
the intrusive guardianship of those who have nothing to do with their
local institutions. Their rights should be defended by the
barriers of the Constitution, and not by the assumed protection
of individuals who are engaged in the passing excitements or the
speculative projects of the day.
All measures of government which
are calculated to harmonise conflicting interests and calm
excitements, should be firmly sustained, and our citizens should be
invoked to cherish fraternal feelings among the people of the
different States of the Union. But these considerations should not be
substituted in the place of constitutional rights, or solely
relied upon to the exclusion of the constitutional compact, to
preserve and perpetuate our political institutions.
The chief magistrate of our Union
in his late message to Congress has avowed his approval of the
distinctive doctrines which were entertained and expressed by
Presidents Jefferson and Jackson in their communications to Congress.
Whatever conflicts ot opinion may have existed heretofore with
respect to particular questions which have excited the public mind,
and which may for a time have obscured in the apprehension of some,
true views of our national compact, all who concur in the purpose of
maintaining the provisions of that instrument and preserving the
purity of our congressional legislation, will sustain and uphold the
views which he has expressed and the policy which he has marked out.
By doing so they will not only put an end to all sectional agitations
under whatever pretext commenced or continued, but also to the
practice becoming so common of resorting to the National capital with
designs of perverting its legislation to purposes of pecuniary gain.
It will then cease to be true that the humble claim for redress for
conceded wrongs is often overlooked, while equivocal measures, making
large drafts upon the revenues of the people, are sustained and
carried through by the influence of the very funds which they draw
from the public treasury.
At this time the
people would approve of a law granting the public lands to actual
settlers. Necessary improvements can best be promoted in our new
States by giving them a population which will cultivate their soil
and increase their resources rather than by bestowing the national
domain in large quantities upon a few individuals engaged in
speculative schemes who will hold them from occupation until they can
command the highest prices. A distribution of these land[s] to actual
settlers will be a humane measure, affording homes to the destitute,
employment to labor and creating wealth by increasing the productions
of the soil. Improvements constructed by individual enterprise, and
managed with economy and skill will follow upon the path of the hardy
settler, while our government will be saved from the evils which
threaten it from the corruption of legislation and from the exercise
of unconstitutional powers.
New-York has an historical interest
in a faithful and rigid compliance with the restrictions of power
contained in the Constitution of the United States and in its
amendments.
There were those in the convention
which formed that instrument, who wished to create a consolidated
government and annihilate local legislatures, and others who sought
to give a preponderating influence to the larger states, by
inequalities of representation founded upon wealth and population.
Although, at that day, its ample territory, its fertile soil and its
commanding position, gave assurance of future wealth, population and
greatness, the delegates from New-York strenuously opposed these
schemes, and asserted the equality of the local governments and their
rights of sovereignty. A majority of its delegates withdrew from the
convention when the principles of equality were impaired. It adopted
the Constitution reluctantly, because its language admitted of
constructions dangerous to the rights of the states, and its assent
was accompanied by a resolution "that the Constitution be
ratified in full confidence that the amendments proposed by this
convention will be adopted."
The amendments which this State was
chiefly instrumental in procuring, secure the free exercise of
religion, freedom of speech, and the right of the people to bear
arms and to petition for redress of grievances. They shield the
persons and property of our citizens against unreasonable searches
and seizures by regulating criminal proceedings, and preserving the
right of trial by jury. To prevent misconstruction and abuse of
power, our State demanded the amendments which declare that "the
enumeration of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or
disparage others retained by the people," and that " the
powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States
respectively." These articles constitute the great barriers
against the encroachments of the general government and the
principal defences to the rights and sovereignty of the States, and
the liberties of our citizens. The great principles which
New-York asserted at the period of the adoption of the Constitution
in behalf of the several States, and of the rights of the people,
it will continue to maintain and defend.
The past history
of our State and Nation admonish us that their prosperity and
progress are best promoted by rigid economy in the management of
their affairs, and by strict compliance with the requirements of
their respective constitutions.
I shall cordially cooperate with
you in every measure calculated to advance the interests or welfare
of the people of this State.
HORATIO SEYMOUR. Albany,
January 3, 1854.
- New-York Daily Tribune, Thursday, January 03, 1854. Vol. XIII. No. 3,966. Pg. 3.
Wonder what Governor Seymour would
have thought of New York City and mayor bloomberg? It's quite
obvious that bloomberg has no intention of continuing “to
maintain and defend” the rights of the people of New York City. Nor
do his fellow usurping mayors involved in the treasonous Mayors
Against Illegal Guns.
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